Marissa Ferrari Ballas

Santiago de Chile serves as a model for other large Latin American cities as a result of Chile’s consistent macroeconomic policies and strong economic growth. The city’s metropolitan region accounts for more than 39 percent of Chile’s gross domestic product (GDP). The country’s economic development has linked Santiago to the world economy in terms of its new economic sectors. It has become a headquarters for the main service activities of the finance sector and global innovations and products as well as a popular destination for travel and living (de Mattos, 1996). People from all over the world choose to live in Santiago as a result of its modernity, convenient transportation system, and stable, ever-strengthening economy. The city also appeals to Chilean residents, with a high concentration of capital and income and a reputation of a high quality of life. As a result, approximately 35.6 percent of the country’s population lives in Greater Santiago, at a density of 7683.1 persons per square kilometer (Schiappacasse, 1998).

This upsurge in popularity and economic success has resulted in an increasing amount of research on Chile’s development policies and their implications. A number of projects have found that the Chilean housing and urban development process in Santiago has generated social and environmental conditions that result in unequal access to urban amenities for different groups of its population. While this research identifi es the existence of inequality, little actually delves into the relation of residential segregation and transportation issues for vulnerable populations. The research that does explore this relation lacks a gendered focus of the various elements that play a role in the transportation situation of low-income women who live in the urban periphery. Such research on the most vulnerable population with the most need for reliable, affordable, and safe transportation is necessary in providing a gendered perspective to the widely implemented Chilean/Santiago model.

The research project, titled “The Transportation Barriers of the Women of Pudahuel, Santiago,” was implemented in 2006 to identify the current transportation barriers faced by female residents in lowincome social housing districts located in Santiago’s urban periphery. This article first presents a historical account of urban expansion and transportation in such low-income, peripheral locations of Santiago, providing a contextual basis for the project. It then discusses the research project and its findings, suggesting further areas of research and policy improvements.

Social and Residential Segregation in Santiago, Chile

At the end of the 1960s, a number of people settled on Santiago’s urban periphery in the form of squatter settlements. These were the campamentos, a term used to describe self-provided housing established through land invasions. During the 1970s, more than four hundred thousand people settled in campamentos on Santiago’s periphery (Fadda and Ducci, 1993).

This process ended abruptly when the public housing market was privatized in order to reduce the housing defi cit by the 1973–1989 coup-established military government. As a result, the housing construction rate increased by approximately one hundred thousand units per year, which continued through the late 1990s (Fadda, 2000). To further limit precarious settlements, land regularization and slum eradication programs were initiated in the 1979 Urban Development Policy. These programs were developed to

“promote the harmonious growth of the city and peripheral housing development” (Fada, 2000). They were directed at encouraging families to move from illegal settlements to multifamily, low-income housing districts. Between 1980 and 1987, 53,322 public housing units were constructed and designed to relocate approximately 150,000 families away from the wealthier northeast sector of the city toward the peripheral neighborhoods.

Due to the strengthening economy and social housing policies, Santiago’s urban area expanded from 35,000 to 65,000 hectares between 1979 and 1995. During this period, the population also increased by 20 percent from approximately 4 million to 4.8 million inhabitants (Fada, 2000). After the military-established government relinquished power, talks began about coordinating housing policies with the planning system, but little was actually done. While the new democratic governments increased the social housing construction rate to one hundred thousand units per year, all developments were located on the urban periphery, furthering the social and residential segregation of lower classes from the rest of the population. Currently, there are few initiatives to reduce the process of urban expansion, though resulting social and infrastructure costs are increasing at a rapid rate. For example, social housing developments on the urban periphery have caused problems for the local authority, especially in terms of extra amenities, infrastructure, and facilities. They have also added a significant burden to the residents looking to access amenities, such as work and health care, that typically exist in the central area of Santiago. This process also worsened the sociospatial segregation of the city by increasing the distance between rich and poor neighborhoods (Jiron, 1995).

Transportation Barriers for Women in Low-Income Social Housing Districts

In 1990, Chilean authorities introduced new urban transportation policies that would prioritize and modernize the existing transportation systems. Its main goals were to avoid the economic and technical collapse of the transportation system, to eventually expand routes and maintain stability in the future, and to enact licitación de recorridos. The concept of licitación de recorridos is a technical and legal tool that permits administrative authority the power to determine what types of vehicles or public transport services and their routes can be on the road during high pollution times, natural disasters, and city emergencies. Through this tool, the authority can regulate the city’s public transport when it is necessary for “public good.” It also allows the city to correct the distortions of the free market in public transport, avoid the intervention of the state when it is not needed, and still take advantage of private incentives. Through this process, Santiago has reduced the use of vehicular parking, increased the quality of service of the public transportation system, reduced pollution rates, and formalized the bus operators’ jobs (Cruz Lorenz, 2001).

These improvements to the public transportation system are evident throughout central downtown Santiago. The city’s Metro system is one of the most efficiency cient subway systems in the world. The Metro runs every minute during peak times and every minute and a half during off-peak times. The routes are efficiency  planned, and connections are simple and easy to understand. Yet the Metro is more expensive than the bus system and does not extend into the majority of social housing districts located in the urban periphery. Therefore, in order to access the Metro from these distant locations, residents are forced to take a bus closer into the city center, doubling the cost of transportation each way. For the majority of women who live in these areas, this multimodal method of transportation is not an option due to increased costs. As a result, they are forced to use the much slower and less secure bus system, or if possible, walk.

“The Transportation Barriers of the Women of Pudahuel, Santiago”

This research project was initiated in 2006 to identify the transportation barriers of female residents of Pudahuel, a social housing district on Santiago’s urban periphery, while accessing work and health care. Given the influx of women in the Chilean workforce, coupled with existing gender expectations of females to continue to rear the children, female residents are in need of an efficiency cient, affordable, and safe transportation system.

Methodology The project consisted of 130 surveys distributed to female residents of Pudahuel at local bus stops and community health centers throughout the area. Two focus groups were also implemented, as well as two individual interviews. All methodology was utilized to assess existing safety and affordability barriers of the Santiago transportation system. It also aimed to identify individual variables that heightened these barriers, including income level, number of children, distance from home to work and to health care facilities, and mode of transportation.

Pudahuel, the research focus area, is the third-poorest district of Santiago and 17th out of 134 districts for drug use and crime. Between 1989 and 1994, 17,000 new public housing units were built; today, 32.1 percent of residents live below the poverty line (Zegras, 2005). The following segment of the article presents research findings and addresses four critical needs of the females surveyed.

Findings

• 50.5 percent of participants were married, 33.1 percent were single, and 11.4 percent were separated.
• 33.8 percent worked a formal job for income, 15.4 percent were currently looking for a job, 34.5 percent identified themselves as “stay-at-home moms,” 5.4 percent were students, and 10.9 percent worked informal jobs or were living off of a pension.
• 60.3 percent worked the normal day shift, 4.1 percent worked the night shift, 15.1 percent worked only during the morning, 6.8 percent worked only during the afternoon, and 13.7 percent worked a combination of shifts.

Child-friendly transportation services While the range of ages of women surveyed was broad, the majority of women fell between the ages of thirty and forty-five. Many of those surveyed and interviewed in this age group identified a need for more child-friendly public transportation systems. Among the needs listed were increased stroller accessibility, modes of transportation, and policies that accommodate and give preferential seating room to mothers with young children, and safety issues. The majority of women living in Pudahuel use the bus more than the child-friendly Metro to access work and medical centers. Seventy-four percent of the women surveyed use the bus to access work, while 38 percent use the bus to access health care. Buses present certain difficulties for females accompanied by young passengers, especially during peak hours, when the bus is overcrowded and the majority of passengers are forced to stand. The limits of carrying and watching children on the bus are exacerbated when there is more than one child. Eighty-five percent of the women who were surveyed had more than one child, and 18 percent had more than four.

While “unofficial” bus policy is for people to give up their seats to women with young children, this usually does not occur. Therefore, many women are forced to carry their children and groceries, be aware of others and “pickpocketing,” and steady their balance while traveling for long periods of time. Some form of official policy must exist that designates “child-friendly” seating, especially during peak hours, which would make the journey much more comfortable and safe for women traveling with young children.

Reduced fares for low-income families Seventy-eight percent of the women surveyed had between three and six people living in the same household, all supported by the same income. The majority of women, 53 percent, had a monthly familial income under 39,678 pesos ($79.00), while 26.5 percent had a monthly familial income between 39.678 and 67.658 pesos (between $79.00 and $135.00). These findings indicate a demand for transportation policy that allows discounts for those who can identify need based on a monthly income. As stated above, findings indicate that the majority of women would prefer to use a multimodal transportation system but are unable due to increased costs of the Metro. They are forced to take the much slower, less safe, and less reliable bus system. For example, 65 percent of the women surveyed used the bus to travel to work, 9 percent walked, 3 percent biked, and no women reported using the Metro. To access medical centers, 53.1 percent walked, 37.7 percent took the bus, 4.6 percent drove, and no women reported using the Metro. During the focus groups, the women stated that even the bus becomes very expensive without any form of discount for low-income families. In one case, almost 30 percent of a participant’s income went to travel-related expenses to and from work every week. With these situations, women surveyed were unable to save extra money and, in many cases, provide for their families. Research findings indicate a dire need for reduced fares for low-income families in order to access work and health care.

Extension of the METRO to Pudahuel and economic development

Of the women surveyed, 22.1 percent spent one hour traveling to work, 33.8 percent spent one to two hours, and 25 percent spent more than two hours. In terms of accessing medical centers, 49 percent of the women spent less than 20 minutes, 36 percent spent 20 to 40 minutes, 11.5 percent spent 40 to 60 minutes, and 4 percent spent over an hour. (It must be noted that the women were surveyed in medical centers around Pudahuel, which is probably why the majority of women spent less time accessing medical centers than accessing work.)

The extension of the Trans Santiago Metro into Pudahuel would decrease the majority of women’s time spent traveling to work. As stated above, due to the inaccessibility of the Metro, the majority of women are forced to use the bus system, which poses longer trip times due to the number of informal stops and reduced speed capability. While the Metro was extended into other urban peripheral comunas, such as Florida to the south and Las Condes to the north, these comunas generate higher familial incomes and are undergoing more economic changes than Pudahuel. Malls,  restaurants, and business offices abound in these locations, while they are still relatively absent from Pudahuel. As a result, the projected majority of users of the Metro in Pudahuel are its residents. Because a large number of residents would not be able to afford a ticket without reduced fares, the private transportation system would not generate enough revenue. This scenario reduces any likelihood that the Metro will be extended until a variety of land uses and increased economic appear in and around Pudahuel.

Improved safety features The main emphasis of this research project was to determine the perceived level of safety of female residents of Pudahuel when accessing work and medical centers. “Safety” was categorized into two areas, one in regard to delinquency (described as robbery and assault), the other in regard to traffic accidents (described as drivers’ capability and attention to the road). In terms of delinquency, 47.1 percent of women felt very unsafe when they traveled to work, 35.7 percent felt unsafe, 12.9 percent felt safe, and 4.3 percent felt very safe. When accessing medical centers, 38 percent felt very unsafe, 37 percent felt unsafe, 23.1 percent felt safe, and 2 percent felt very safe.

This data shows low levels of perceived safety by women when using the transportation systems. Many of the women who were interviewed in the focus groups and personal interviews had encountered some sort of violent experience while using the bus system or walking to and from the bus stop, or knew someone who had experienced violence. Such experiences were described as harassment, assault, and rape. Improved lighting around the stops, increased patrol watch, and more formal and centralized stops would provide for a safer environment while the women waited for the bus.

In terms of traffic accidents, 45.7 percent felt unsafe while traveling to work, 37.1 percent felt very unsafe, 10 percent felt safe, and 7.1 percent felt very safe. While accessing medical centers, 42.3 percent felt unsafe, 28 percent felt very unsafe, 27 percent felt safe, and 2 percent felt very safe. Many of the women interviewed expressed concern with the operators collecting money while they drove, swerving around cars, not paying attention to the road, and driving at higher speeds than the posted limit. Policy must be aimed at improving operators’ abilities to concentrate while driving and at enforcing bus compliance with speed limits. Strict fi nes should be imposed on bus operators who exceed the legal speed limit and who disobey traffic laws. In order to improve concentration, money collection systems should be set up in order for the operator to have the sole responsibility of paying attention to the road.

Conclusion

The transportation system throughout Santiago is undergoing significant changes as a result of an increasing population and economic development improvements. Residents who live in and around the city in wealthier comunas, such as Las Condes, have the opportunity to utilize the newly improved bus and efficiency cient Metro subway systems. As a result, they can enjoy shorter rides and waiting times, safer and cleaner environments while traveling, and increased accessibility throughout the city. As the city and private market strive to improve the bus systems to encourage multimodal transportation, Santiago’s transportation system is serving as a model for other international developing cities. Yet what is neither depicted nor explored are the transportation and day-to-day experiences of residents who cannot afford to live near the Metro lines and whose bus systems have not been improved as a result of their distance from the city center. The paradox with this relationship is that these are the residents who need affordable, safe, and efficiency cient transportation the most. They are the ones traveling the farthest distances in the poorest areas. Furthermore, little research has been conducted regarding these inefficiency ciencies of the peripheral transportation system. The majority of existing research concentrates on the transportation problems and improvements related to the downtown center and Metro lines.

In order to improve the transportation systems in areas that exist along the urban periphery, more interdisciplinary research must occur regarding the residents who live in these areas, the land use and development that is occurring in these areas, and the creation of transportation/land use models that will benefit both the residents and economy. Only then will the improvement process begin for decreasing transportation costs and trip times, and increasing safety and accessibility measures for the women who live in these areas, such as Pudahuel.

MARISA FERRARI BALLAS entered the University of Michigan at Ann Arbor in 2001 and completed her degrees in English and Spanish literature. During her undergraduate education, Marisa was employed at a brownfield redevelopment consulting firm in Detroit, Michigan. In 2005, Marisa entered the Graduate School of Architecture at the University of Texas at Austin. She received her M.S. in Community and Regional Planning in the spring of 2007. During her graduate career, she traveled to Santiago, Chile, to perform research on transportation and environmental design to examine safety issues for low-income residents of peripheral communities.

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