Realizing Capital: Financial and Psychic Economies in Victorian Form. – Anna Kornbluh

Posted on by

Citation

Contents

 

Introduction: ‘A case of metaphysics’: realizing capital — Fictitious capital/real psyche: metalepsis, psychologism, and the grounds of finance — Investor ironies in Great Expectations — The economic problem of sympathy: parabasis and interest in Middlemarch — ‘Money expects money’: satiric credit in The way we live now — London, nineteenth century, capital of realism: on Marx’s Victorian novel — Psychic economy and its vicissitudes: Freud’s economic hypothesis — Epilogue: The psychic life of finance.

Author

Context

 

In close rhetorical readings of financial journalism, political economy, and the works of Dickens, Eliot, and Trollope, Kornbluh examines the psychological framing of economics, one of the nineteenth century’s most enduring legacies, reminding us that the current dominant paradigm for understanding financial crisis has a history of its own. She shows how novels illuminate this displacement and ironize ideological metaphors linking psychology and economics, thus demonstrating literature’s unique facility for evaluating ideas in process.

Thesis

 

reality of the financial capital is itself structured like a fiction.

Methodology

 

The realist novel engages economics neither via reference to economic content nor through its production and consumption in the market, but in its narratological, rhetorical, and temporal structures and the resonance, smooth or sticky, intensive of ironic, across those structures.

Key Terms

 

Reading – attending to the aesthetic material of literary language. to the historicist’s reduction of literature to discourse. I oppose deconstruction’s insistance on the irreducibility of tropes to intuitive ideas, and I work instead to encounter the material and process of literary thinking.

Social close reading – blending deconstructive techniques and the best historicist impulses to explore the intellectual and political force of literary forms that do not reiterate a preexisting world, but rather limn. ironize, and even unmake forms of worlding.

literature – a mode of thought structured by juxtoposition and condensation, by senuous syntheis and syncretic sedimentation. To pose the question “what connexion could there be?” between voices, motifs, temporalities, and images that and mobilized within one bounded work.

Criticisms and Questions

 

Book is mostly useful in showing a powerful approach to Marxist literary reading. Finding an object of study, and to offer a methodology of close reading.

 

For Kornbluh, realism written in the 19th-century blossoming of finance capitalism performs much of the same work as political theory. She works with a specifically Marxist framework, but instead of subjugating literature to a Marxist program, her version of “aesthetic mediation” finds similar historical, aesthetic, scientific, and political thought in Marx’s metaphors and in the critiques embodied in novels.

The idea that finance is the naturally complex lifeblood of our economy whose path only a rarefied group of white men can chart, and not the triumph of the middle man: that’s a trope. It’s a cultural narrative, with material consequences. It’s a cultural narrative that engages with the question of what is and isn’t real because, for example, only Goldman Sachs’s money was treated as real in the last crisis.

the realms of value, fiction, and language are inextricable from each other. Money is a real fiction, itself a representation, and as Kornbluh writes, it is like literature, “a kind of representation that makes a claim to value.” Money is “a claim to represent an abstraction that lacks ontological positivity, money contrives to effectuate the concrete existence of that abstract substance” that is value. It’s only in seeing this contrivance that we might see how we create value and what is realistically open to change.

Kornbluh wants to denaturalize one of the “seminal metaphors of late modernity”: the idea of “psychic economies.”

– What We Talk About When We Talk About Finance By Michelle ChiharaNotes

“By tracing the cultural circulation of two specific tropes–“fictitious capital–” and “psychic economy”–Kornbluh makes a compelling argument about the complex figurative ties that bind the realist novel to our understanding of both capitalism and the psyche. This exciting and original book will make us reconsider the novel’s cultural work as well as that of its criticism.”

-Mario Ortiz-Robles, University of Wisconsin-Madison

Notes

 

Introduction: ‘A case of metaphysics’: realizing capital —

realism is a destabalization of reified reality, victorian novel’s investigating financial capitalism’s parallel destabilizations.

the realism of capitalism is not a matter of mimetic recording, but rather of aesthetic mediation: “the only true social element in literature is the form” -Lukacs

The truly financial element in realism is the form. The realist novel engages economics neither via reference to economic content nor through its production and consumption in the market, but in its narratological, rhetorical, and temporal structures and the resonance, smooth or sticky, intensive of ironic, across those structures.

London, nineteenth century, capital of realism: on Marx’s Victorian novel —

For Marx, capital functions like a novelistic protagonist.

Two tropes in catpial: personification, the representation of an abstraction for a person, and metalepsis, the substitution of one figure for an another with which it is closely related. And the concert between these two concepts intone the concept of drive. Coats and linen are personified, but people are just trager, agents of the ur-person: capital itself. Capital is the subject in this world.

the psychic economy metaphor is arguably nothing other than the personification of capital.

the power of these metaphors show how Capital realizes its insights not argumentatively, but aesthetically.

 

Forms: Whole, Rhythm, Hierarchy, Network – Caroline Levine

Posted on by

Citation:

 

  • Levine, Caroline, 1970. Forms: Whole, Rhythm, Hierarchy, Network. Princeton University Press, Princeton , New Jersey, 2015.

 

context: a way around the whole formalism/historicism debate

 

Thesis:

 

“This book makes a case for expanding our usual definition of form in literary studies to include patterns of sociopolitical experience like those of Lowood School. Broadening our definition of form to include social arrangements has, as we will see, immediate methodological consequences. The traditionally troubling gap between the form of the literary text and its content and context dissolves. Formalist analysis turns out to be as valuable to understanding sociopolitical institutions as it is to reading literature. Forms are at work everywhere”

 

​Notes:

 

“Drawing on the work of Jacques Rancière, I define politics as a matter of distributions and arrangements.4 Political struggles include ongoing contests over the proper places for bodies, goods, and capacities. Do working-class crowds belong in the public square? Do women belong in voting booths? Does earned income belong to individuals? What land belongs to Native Americans? Sorting out what goes where, the work of political power often involves enforcing restrictive containers and boundaries— such as nation-states, bounded subjects, and domestic walls. ”

 

Forms constrain. According to a long tradition of thinkers, form is disturbing because it imposes powerful controls and containments. For some, this means that literary form itself exercises a kind of political power. In 1674, John Milton justified his use of blank verse as a reclaiming of “ancient liberty” against the “troublesome and modern bondage of rhyming.”5 Avant-garde poet Richard Aldington made a similar claim in 1915: “We do not insist upon ‘freeverse’ as the only method of writing poetry. We fight for it as for a principle of liberty.”6 In our own time, critics—especially those in the Marxist tradition—have often read literary forms as attempts to contain social clashes and contradictions.

 

Forms differ. One of the great achievements of literary formalism has been the development of rich vocabularies and highly refined skills for differentiating among forms. Starting with ancient studies of prosody, theorists of poetic form around the world have debated the most precise terms for distinct patterns of rhyme and meter, and over the past hundred years theorists of narrative have developed a careful language for describing formal differences among stories, including frequency, duration, focalization, description, and suspense.

 

Various forms overlap and intersect. Surprisingly, perhaps, schools of thought as profoundly different from one another as the New Criticism and intersectional analysis have developed methods for analyzing the operation of several distinct forms operating at once. The New Critics, who introduced the close reading method that dominated English departments in the middle decades of the twentieth century, deliberately traced the intricacies of overlapping literary patterns operating on different scales, as large as genre and as small as syntax. Intersectional analysis, which emerged in the social sciences and cultural studies in the late 1980s, focused our attention on how different social hierarchies overlap, sometimes powerfully reinforcing one another—how for example race and class and gender work together to keep many African-American women in a discouraging cycle of poverty

 

Forms travel. ​certain literary forms—epic, free indirect discourse, rhythm, plot—can survive across cultures and time periods, sometimes enduring through vast distances of time and space.10 Something similar is true, though less often acknowledged, for social forms. Michel Foucault draws our attention to the daily timetable, for example, which begins by organizing life in the medieval monastery, but then gets picked up by the modern prison, factory, and school.

secondly, The most important of these were binary oppositions— masculine and feminine, light and dark—which imposed a recognizable order across social and aesthetic experiences, from domestic spaces to tragic dramas. Structuralism later came under fire for assuming that these patterns were natural and therefore inexorable, but one does not have to be a structuralist to agree that binary oppositions are a pervasive and portable form, capable of imposing their arrangements on both social life and literary texts. Some critics have also worried that aesthetic forms can exert political power by imposing their artificial order on political life.

 

Forms do political work in particular historical contexts. In recent years, scholars interested in reviving an interest in form (sometimes called the “new formalists”) have sought to join formalism to historical approaches by showing how literary forms emerge out of political situations dominated by specific contests or debates. Since the late 1990s, literary critics like Susan Wolfson and Heather Dubrow have argued that literary forms reflect or respond to contemporary political conditions.14 Forms matter, in these accounts, because they shape what it is possible to think, say, and do in a given context.

 

if you read Jane Eyre as Levine suggests you should, then you might see “narrative and gender as two distinct forms, each striving to impose its own order, both travelling from other places to the text in question, and neither automatically prior or dominant.” The novel, by this interpretive light, mediates a tense competition among forms, which pits their affordances against one another and thereby affords us a way of seeing how they shape human destinies.

 

It is precisely because The Wire is, as she puts it, “constructed and stylized” that it provides such a powerful “theorization of the social.” To understand the show as a kind of sociology is not to deny its fictionality and artifice, but to see its formal devices as part of what gives it such a compelling vantage on collective experience. Instead of assuming that The Wire is a symptom of the society that produced it, in other words, Levine defines the show as a formed object that affords thinking about social form.

 

There are forms in politics and in our ways of understanding society, just as there are in literature. Structuralism was able to connect dots to context, interweaving patterns of the aethetic and the social, while new critics could see complex overlap of different ordering principles within single text.

 

Strategic Formalism – complex, composite vocabulary for thinking of the array of forms that overlap, compete, and interconnect. Not just forms of class, gender, race but also forms of knowledge

 

The Wire:

 

All of these forms overlap to show that social reality is best represented not by the focused gaze of sociology, but by the expansive causal network which is shown in the Wire.

 

Bounded Wholes – Sobotka fights over installing stained glass, tries to get police involved, but that expands to larger national investigation beyond his control.

 

Rhythm – school year, daily newspaper deadlines, and crime reports all have different time imperatives, which each have their own social tempo effects. major institutions endure over time.

 

Hierarchy – vertical structures crop up everywhere, but are complex and uneven overlappings of norms and practices with unpredictable consequences.

 

Network – “The Wire imagines that the process of capturing social experience will not lie in stories that follow a sequence of seperate institutional forms — one narrative about a hospital, another about lawyers, a third about a school— but through attention to the many points where forms collide.

On Voice – John Brenkman

Posted on by

This creation of an imaginary space of narration is a complex stylization, a kind of rhetorical zone in which the narrator “recounts” events-actions, emotions, thoughts-as though he or she has “observed” them, though no such space of witness exists within or outside the story told. That we accept this rhetoric of recounting and observing, this imaginary space from which someone who is no one addresses us, is at the very least a significant achievement in our modern capacity for alienation.

 

 

 

 

 

Two originators of novel theory, the early Lukhcs and Bakhtin, do not presup- pose an imaginary space of narration. They look at narration from the standpoint of writing. Rather than treating the novel as a type of narrative among others (myth, folktale, film, and so on) as narrative theory and narratology do, the novel theorists consider the novel a specific, though diverse and polyglot, cultural form and social practice.

 

 

The essential reference point of novel theory for Bakhtin is the process of composition; he conceives of the novel as discourse, an act of communication ventured in, and venturing to alter, concrete public spheres. The composition or construction of a novel takes as its raw material a variety of discourses active in society at large and re-voices them. In the terms he developed in the essay “The Problem of Speech Genres,” these pre-existing social discourses are “primary genresw-for example, “the rejoinder in dialogue, everyday stories, letters, dia- ries, minutes, and so forth”-which “secondary, complex genres,” like novels, “play out” (Speech 98). The novel engages the sociality of communication on, as it were, two fronts: on the one hand, it incorporates into its very construction discourses originating in several social contexts, public and private; and, on the other hand, it addresses itself to, intervenes in, an actual public realm.

 

 

Poe’s achievement is immense, and if my hypothesis is correct that it established the conventions of the imaginary space of narration and the structured distinc- tion of narrator and (implied) author, it has had a profound effect on reading habits and criticism.

 

 

 

 

 

 

Bakhtin thus sees in the flexibility and relativity of “double-voiced” narrations the writer’s leeway to experiment with his or her commitment to the norms and meanings of a particular discourse. Keying on the resources that such “a refract- ing of authorial intentions” affords the comic novel in particular, he stresses the “variety of different distances between distinct aspects of the narrator’s language and the author’s language” (315).Poe’s innovative stylization turns the relativity of double voice to a more regulated, unified purpose. He renders it “monologi- cal” in Bakhtin’s terms or “parsimoniously plural” to borrow Roland Barthes’s term in S/Z.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Bakhtin is truer to the history of the novel in seeing it as a continual appropriation of other social discourses, including the whole array of storytelling modes.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

What makes the novel, however, is its voice. Among Flaubert’s indelible con- tributions to the novel form is free indirect style, with its unlimited flexibility in evoking the subjectivity, the interiority and inner speech, of a character within the objectifying trajectory of third-person narration.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

“Writing” is on the face of it a literal rather than metaphorical term. And indeed I hold the view, which I associate with the work of Bakhtin and Raymond Williams, that “literature,” broadly defined, is the social practice of writing and therefore inseparable from the social history of literacy. Nevertheless, poststruc- turalism threw a wrench into every purely empirical sense of “writing,” begin- ning with Jacques Derrida’s huge claim in Of Grammatology that Western philosophy conceptualizes speech and writing as opposites and then freights the concept of writing with whatever features of language are deemed errant and recalcitrant to the reigning metaphysical idea of the nature of language. De Man’s Allegories of Reading and Derrida’s own work as a literary critic, especially in the essays on Plato, MallarmC, and Philippe Sollers in La disstmination, revolu- tionized literary studies by showing that mefaphors of writing are so integral to every practice of writing that it is impossible to say what writing is-as artistic activity, social practice, or vocation-without entering the metaphorical or figurative labyrinth of the written text.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

“Voice” is overtly metaphorical and has acquired connotations ranging from onto-theological presence to the lingusitic technicalities of grammatical mood. Yet, it has distinctive advantages over other widely used terms in novel criticism. Unlike “presiding consciousness,” it does not presuppose what shape the subjec- tivity of writing and reading actually takes, or ought to take, in novels. Unlike “point of view” or “perspective,” it does not import a visual metaphor into the account of a phenomenon of language.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Moreover, because novel theory starts from the worldly intersubjectivity of writing and reading, it eliminates the need for dubious categories like “vision” or “focalization” to fit intersubjectivity into novelistic prose, whether the shadowy intersubjectivity of free-indirect third-person narration or the relatively delimited intersubjectivity of unreliable first-person narrations. For Bakhtin, language is in essence intersubjective, lying “on the borderline between oneself and the other. The word in language is half someone else’s. It becomes ‘one’s own’ only when the speaker populates it with his own intention, his own accent, when he approriates the word, adapting it to his own semantic and expressive intention” (293). The novelist’s stylistic achievement of “double voicing,” however master- ful, derives from the existential condition of every speaking being: no one ever truly originates or masters speech.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Ideology and Inscription – Tom Cohen

Posted on by

Citation:

Cohen, Tom. Ideology and Inscription: “cultural Studies” After Benjamin, De Man, and Bakhtin. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998. Print.

Contents:

Introduction: Webwork, or ‘That spot is bewitched’

Part I. Ciphers – Or Counter-Genealogies for a Critical ‘Present’:

  1. Reflections on post ‘post-mortem de Man’
  2. The ideology of dialogue: the de Man/Bakhtin connection
  3. Mnemotechnics: time of the seance, or the Mimetic blind of ‘cultural studies’

Part II. Expropriating ‘Cinema’ – Or, Hitchcock’s Mimetic War:

  1. Beyond ‘the Gaze’: Hitchcock, Zizek, and the ideological sublime
  2. Sabotaging the ocularist state

Part III. Tourings – Or, the Monadic Switchboard:

  1. Echotourism: Nietzschean Cyborgs, Anthropophagy, and the rhetoric of science in cultural studies
  2. Altered states: stoned in Marseilles, or the addiction to reference
  3. Contretemps: notes, on contemporary ‘travel’.

Author:

Tom Cohen’s work began in literary theory and cultural politics and traverses a number of disciplines—including critical theory, cinema studies, digital media, American studies, and more recently the contemporary shift of 21st century studies in the era of climate change.

Context:

late 90s attempt to retrieve the legacy of De Man after the accusations of apolitical solipsism on Derrida and deconstruction

Thesis:

“The argument of these essays is that, rather than being surpassed by the intervening “returns” to history, mimesis, humanism, and identity politics, the materiality of language lingers as a repressed trauma” (1)

Methodology:

each chapter pairs De Manian thinking with thinkers such as Bakhtin, Benjamin, Zizek, and Neitzsche

Key Terms:

“materiality” , the De Man equivalent of the real

mimetico-historicist reading of history

inscription as opposed to ideology

Related Texts and Ideas:

De Man “The Use of Theory”

Criticisms and Questions:

dense language, does not apply exactly how a use of materiality could lead to political readings, engaged more with theory than with an application on texts

 

Rather than a concept of history centered on interiorized and m

imetically conceived

models of the subject and community, Cohen proposes, following

such critics as de Man,

Benjamin, and Adorno, to refocus the understanding of history o

n a concept of “mate-

riality” that can not be empirically apprehended or mimetically

represented, and that

always lies in excess of all models of interiority. Historicist

and mimetic representations

that do not relinquish their claim to the concept of identity—e

ven those that attempt to

represent “alternate” histories or forms of identity—are not on

ly blind to this materiality,

but also border on a dangerous form of conservatism that would

block out the possibili-

ties that a non-interiorist history represents. De Man consider

ed mimetic representation

to be a form of ideology, one that is focused on anthropomorphi

sm and meaning at the

expense of a historical materiality that exceeds both. Cohen re

minds us that, even under

persecution from fascism, Benjamin identified “the enemy” as no

t the fascists themselves,

but a form of historicism that presumes to contain or comprehen

d its object. Both de

Man and Benjamin considered language to be intrinsically relate

d to historicity and

materiality, especially inasmuch as it represents the possibili

ty of intervening—or “in-

scribing” a different kind of history—into mimetic-historicist

structures.

 

Keywords:

theory, ideology, language

Notes:

Benjamin explicitly questions how an alternate practice of writing-reading to current epistemo-critical models — largely mimetico-historicist— is required to rupture the fixed and inherited narratives of a foreclosed notion of “history” (3)

De Man- movement beyond metaphor or mimesis raises issue of “materiality” (Adorno) irrecuperable to an overtly referential (Marxian) model of mimetic politics.

-a la Derrida, a critique of a hermeneutically or “ideological” invested positions is not only derivable but seems impossible to arrest.

-language is not interiority and so not apolitical

-what is overlooked is that politics within signifying practices is always also a politics of memory, of “inscriptions” and how they are managed, guarded, purged, restored, protected.

Althusser – ideology has no outside, but at the same time is nothing but outside.

De Man’s project – at attempt to use the model of reading to situate epistemology as the site of the political. Since representation at all times involves the ritualized backloop of memory, the prerecorded inscription, of the ritual apparatuses of ideologies, chiasmically dissimulating the incursion they represent.

Undecidability is not a moral paralysis or apolitical, but a technos of historical intervention — habitual chains of reaction or logic formed in circumstances no longer historically applicable. Things, after all, are only “decidable” due to a long installed habit of language. “Undecidability” is where a preinscribed historical value – narrative has been deprived of momentum open to renegotiation.

-opening up unprescribed futures- not mere close reading – is what De Man is all about

I have followed the insights of several theorists such as Tom Cohen who works in Ideology and Inscription to overcome the bind between the textualization of history in ‘Theory’ and the mimetic bias of Cultural Studies by returning to the materiality of language as a socially determined and historically situated practice. Language is only opposed to history if we imagine history as centered on interiorized and mimetically conceived models of the subject and community.  When we acknowledge instead that all forms of mimetic representation depend on the ways that language is used at a certain time and place—whether it be two rural workers or the presiding consciousness of the didactice novel—we can bring attention back to the political stakes of language itself.  As the medium that either offers a stable field upon which to project the ideology of mimetic representation or as a contested mechanism that offers up spaces of radical alterity, language is itself the terrain of political coercion and ideological transformation. Concentrating on the situatedness of speech and the pragmatics of dialogue reveals how the language of the novel is always contingent on class structures and that its politics are only intelligible against the movement of ideology in language. The political imagination of a novel, then, will be understood as the ways in which an author grasps class as overdetermined and socially invisible by working through the historicity and materiality of language.

The Materiality of Language: Gender, Politics, and the University – David Bleich

Posted on by

Citation

 

  • Bleich, David. The Materiality of Language: Gender, Politics, and the University. Indiana University Press, Bloomington, 2013.

 

Contents

 

Introduction: The Contested Subject

Part One: The Materiality of Language

Chapter 1: Premises and Backgrounds

 

Chapter 2: Received Standards in the Study of Language

Chapter 3: Materiality and Genre

Chapter 4: The Unity of Language and Thought

 

Chapter 5: Materiality and the Contemporary Study of Language

Chapter 6: Recognizing Politics in the Study of Language

Part Two: Language in the University

Chapter 7: Frustrations of Academic Language

Chapter 8: The Protected Institution

 

Chapter 9: The Sacred Language

Chapter 10: Language Uses in Science, the Heir of Latin

Chapter 11: Language and Human Survival

 

Chapter 12: The Materiality of Literature and the Contested Subject

Works Cited and Consulted

 

Author

 

David Bleich is Professor of English at the University of Rochester and author of Know and Tell: A Pedagogy of Disclosure, Genre, and Membership and The Double Perspective: Language, Literacy, and Social Relations, among other books.

 

Context

 

David Bleich sees the human body, its affective life, social life, and political functions as belonging to the study of language. In The Materiality of Language, Bleich addresses the need to end centuries of limiting access to language and its many contexts of use. To recognize language as material and treat it as such, argues Bleich, is to remove restrictions to language access due to historic patterns of academic censorship and unfair gender practices. Language is understood as a key path in the formation of all social and political relations, and becomes available for study by all speakers, who may regulate it, change it, and make it flexible like other material things.

 

Thesis

 

A clear and direct formulation of language ideology

 

The analysis of subject creation as an affective process of recognizing and sharing the same affective state and language as the means for materializing affective states

 

Methodology

Key Terms

 

Materiality of Language – all functions of speech and writing relative to the social, intersubjective scenes of their use. Language is material in the sense that it has tangible effects and that it matters all the time.

 

Criticisms and Questions

 

-The materiality of language is an axiom, a postulate, a fundamental assumption, a Kuhnian paradigm that leads to new approaches to the study and teaching of language, but is still not a part of our ordinary sense of what language is and does. It suspends the preoccupa- tion with the referential and communicative functions of language and tries to examine all functions of speech and writing relative to the social, intersubjective scenes of their of their use.

– The materiality of language suggests that, socially, language has been separated from “actualities” and treated as simply as an instrument of reference or conveyance. This approach to language has enabled the continued stable existence of the “intelligentsia,” that is, the overwhelmingly unbalanced population of the well-educated.

– The political movement for the enfranchisement of women and other subaltern constituencies has tried to counter this assumption of the pri- macy of the mind in isolation from material things. Thinking about “the body” is also an attempt to materialize the sense of what a human mind is, to recognize it in the “context” in which it must exist: living bodies.

– Christine Iwanick: Her (taken-from-Zola) figure of “living out loud” presents the use of language as an essential ingredient in subjective and intersubjective experience. But it also refers to the ability of language to bring our emotional lives into public places. Her discussion of theoretical formulations in the work of Bakhtin and Derrida also notes their struggle, especially Derrida’s, to recognize the emotional potential of all language use (“the play of language”), and somehow to reconcile this potential with the severe, even imperious, strictures called for by the conventions of academic writ- ing. She traces some of the history of the idea of the materiality of language, and she presents statements and explanations of the view that language is a “thing,” rather than an insubstantial or spiritual entity. At the same time her juxtaposition of views of modern and postmodern thought also implies some of the achievement of the postmodern wish to cultivate awareness of the living context of our uses of language.

– Because language and genres are material, research into their manifestations, uses, variations, and details does matter, and the members of established professions know this, if only intuitively. Certainly politicians have always known it. This brings us to the underlying rationale for taking the materiality and genres of language seri- ously: they give all (rather than just “expert”) language users the means to interact with every other aspect of society in which what is said carries weight or is binding on people in some way. It provides yet another explanation of why totalitarian social systems have prevented people-slaves and women, for example-from acquiring literacy at all, why they have always found ways to appropriate the public language (that is, to lie) for purposes of regulating mass psychology. The nonviolent response to this trope of political domination is now, and has always been, the bringing of language to those who don’t have it. Yet if the language is always thought of as “only words,” it has been already deauthorized. What MacKinnon maintains about por- nography I think is true of any use of language: it affects our bodies, our communi ties, and our “mass” identities. I think we should teach language with this in mind.

 

Introduction: The Contested Subject

 

-the materiality of language is a ground for desacrilizing texts, no reason to automatically consider written texts more permanent.

 

Part One: The Materiality of Language

 

Chapter 1: Premises and Backgrounds

-Lorenzo valla was actually chill about vernacular and saw language as living

Chapter 2: Received Standards in the Study of Language

Chapter 3: Materiality and Genre

-it could be political sedition or heresy when the reference to a gengre is challened of rejected.

-Witgennstein’s ideas: language game sprachespiel, form of life lebensformen (cannot take out the heart to understand its function), family resemblence, description instead of explananation “if language functions ideally, it’s transparent” language is simultaneously referential and gestural

-if phenomena are hidden in plain sight, the materiality of languageis repressed.

J.L. Austin: speech acts and locutionism dude. “How to do things with words”

Bakhtin: -various viewpoints and worldviews cross and converge in all speech

-addressivity: words and sentences belong to nobody – language is not living language until it appears in a genre which defines its context and social situation -Russian formalists: something particular about literary language. -different national language are different speech genres -national speech is a reference to national culture.

–

Chapter 4: The Unity of Language and Thought

The Ideology of Power and the Power of Ideology – Göran Therborn

Posted on by

Citation:

Therborn, Göran, 1941. The Ideology of Power and the Power of Ideology. NLB, London, 1980.

Good Review and Background:

https://www.marxists.org/history/erol/periodicals/theoretical-review/tr-30-1.pdf

 

-To conceive a text or an utterance as ideology is to focus on the Waze operates in the formation and transformation of human subjectivity

-1) ideology is then seeing as the medium through which men make their history as conscious actors. 2) wrong concept is of opposition between Bourgois and proletarian ideology or science and ideology as such true and false consciousness

-poulantzas: classes must be defined at the political ideological as well as the economic level

-two althusser  fallacies: only scientific knowledge is true or real and that human beings are motivated as subjects only buy what they know by true or distorted knowledge

– fallacy of interst: interests by themselves do not explain anything it is a normative concept indicating the most rational course of action in a predefined game the problem is how members of different classes come to define the world and their situation and possibilities in it in a particular way.

 

  1. The ideological formation of human subjects

 

-subjection-qualification: New members become qualified to take up and perform the repertoire of rules given in society into which they are born.

The three fundamental modes of ideological interpellation:

1.what exists 2. What is good 3. What is possible.

  • The formation of subjects of class struggle involves the process of subject qualification such that the tasks of producing sir plus labor are performed in the existence of class royal is recognized together with it’s on just character and the possibility of resisting it. On the part of numbers of the exploding class, the formation of class struggle subjects requires a subjection qualification to performing the tasks of exploitation, a recognition that this is the right thing to do and they can be defended.

 

The universe of ideological interpolations

 

Subjectivities of in the world subjectivity of being
existential historical
inclusive 1 2
positional 3 4

 

  1. inclusive existential ideologies like what life is what is good and bad in life what is possible and human existence and weather is a life after death.
  2. Inclusive historical ideologies a US citizen a Catholic Italian number of the working class a resident of a particular neighborhood
  3. Positional exit stencil ideologies the self and others and the two genders and the lifecycle of childhood youth and old age
  4. Positional historical ideologies educational status positions of political power structures of difference
  • The ideological universe is never reducible to class ideologies. Even in the most class polarized and class conscious societies, the other fundamental forms of human subjectivity coexist with class subjectivities.
  • It is natural and not an aberration of underdeveloped class consciousness that class ideologies coexist with inclusive historical ideologies constituting the subjects of the contradictory totality of an exploitative mode of production

 

2) The historical materialism of ideologies

 

-The question of material determination is central to the corpus of historical materialistic Theory and has to be confronted directly

The structure of ideological systems

-proposition one: all ideologies exist only in historical forms in historical degrees of salience and modes of articulation with other ideologies

Proposition two: all ideologies operate in a material matrix of affirmations and sanctions, and this matrix determines their interrelationships.

Proposition three: all ideologies in class societies exist in historical forms of articulation with different classes in class ideologies.

Proposition four: the patterning of a given set of ideologies is within class societies overdetermined by class relations of strength and by the class struggle.

The generation of ideologies and material change

–proposition one: the generation of ideologies in human societies is always from the point of view of social science and history agra fee process of change of pre-existing ideologies.

Proposition two: Ideological change in the generation of ideologies is always dependent upon nan ideological material change.

Proposition three: the most important material change is constituted by the internal social dynamics of societies and of their mode of production.

Proposition for: every mode of production requires specific economic positional ideologies and every exploitative mode of production specific class ideologies.

Proposition five: every new mode of production will generate new economic positional ideologies.

Proposition six: all human societies exhibit X extensional and historical inclusive as well as his Storico positional ideologies

.

Proposition seven: the concrete form of accidental historical inclusive and historical positional ideologies other than the economic or not directly determined by the mode of production but changes in the former or over determined by the latter.

Proposition eight: new mode of production and new classes will generate forms of accidental historical inclusive and other historical positional ideologies that are capable of supporting and reinforcing the new predominate class ideologies if the former do not already exist.

 

3) The ideological constitution of classes

Dash we cannot talk of class struggle, of the struggle of classes as an analytic concept for structuring the myriad of social conflicts without assuming an ideological constitution of classes by specific class ideologies.

– The actual ideological ensemble of the members of a given class is a complex totality of different elements that can be not be reduced to one another.

– The critical aspect of the altar ideology is in the case of exporting classes the rationale for the domination of other classes; in the case of exploded classes it is the basis for their resistance to the exporters.

– The altar as well as the ego ideologies develop with the mode of production itself in social processes of ideological interpellation and through a learning process governed by various forms of affirmations and sanctions.

– Socialist ideology is not implicit in  working class existence (Lenin). There is a strong selective affinity but not a dubious utilitarian notion of interest.

-while feudalism helped by Catholicism no theory of feudalism can explain the core of prevailing religious doctrine of the church.

-Nationalism became linked to the Bouge wall revolution by providing an ideology of struggle that counterposed to the dynastic and/or colonial power a state of legally free and equal citizens encompassing a certain territory.

– Inclusive historical ideologies are not simply invented as formulate of ruling class legitimization. Like the state itself, they express their Storico outcome of struggles within and of the state.

– Bo nationalism became linked to the Bouge wall revolution by providing an ideology of struggle that counterposed to the dynastic and/or colonial power a state of legally free and equal citizens encompassing a certain territory.

– Inclusive historical ideologies or not simply invented as formulate of ruling class legitimization. Like the state itself, express the Storico outcome of struggles within and of the state.

– since nationalism played a crucial role in the Bouge why Z’s rise to power it is quite natural that nationalism as an inclusive ideology irreducible to class should be articulated within the rule of the bourgeoisie.

– starting from the ideology of a subordinate class one can either join the cause of the victors, embracing and subordinating oneself to the nationalist cause, or relate to the tradition of struggle, linking up with the national popular Tradition.

-Working class ideology in order to assert itself must confront and absorb occupational ideologies the particular work orientation and solidarity of particular occupations and crafts. Given a multi ethnic labor force ethnicity becomes a positional ideology competing with working class ideology.

– The ideological universe is irreducible to class ideologies, but the ideological ensemble of the class society is class patterned and ideological changes over determined by class struggle. The thesis concerning the class patterning of ideologies is not dependent on any notion of representation. Class ideologies like class politics do not represent anything other than themselves such as class interests.

– Class ideologies are not doctrines or elaborated forms of discourse. They are rather class specific core themes of discourse that very anonymously and concrete form and degree of elaboration.

 

4) The social order of ideologies

 

  • ideologies actually operate in a state of this order. They are not possessions or text but an ongoing social process.
  • – As he or she is the target of constant conflicting interpolations, the receiver is not necessarily consistent in his or her receptions and responding acts and interpolations.
  • – The sudden shifts between acquiescence and revolt our collective processes not merely a series of individual changes.
  • Big chart of neighborhoods schools jobs and mass media to show that forms are ideologies page 86.

5) ideology and political power

 

Mode of  interpellation alternative regime conceivable? yes no
what is Accommodation sense of inevitability
what is good sense of representation deference
what is possible fear resignation

 

  • So far no great modern social revolution has ever been made by a unified class subject demanding a completely new social order.
  • Rather the process has gained momentum in a situation where the sustaining matrix of the regime in existence is crumbling three specific limited and often quite reformist demands often arising out of the new acute crisis situation itself.
  • – it seems that the most important dimensions of ideological change in this process are those concerning what exists and what is possible .
  • Generally speaking the more qualified the ruled at the point where they’re subjugation can no longer be sustained, the more they can achieve
  • 6) social change and the power of ideology
  • consciousnessIdeological mobilization involves selling a common agenda for a massive people. That is to say summing up the dominant aspect of the crisis I didn’t find the crucial target and defining what is possible.
  • – Ideological mobilization implies the fusion and condensation of several ideological discourses into a single major threat, usually expressed in a simple slogan.

 

The Ticklish Subject – Slavoj Zizek

Posted on by

Citation

 

Žižek, Slavoj. The Ticklish Subject: The Absent Centre of Political Ontology. Verso, New York;London;, 1999.

 

Contents

 

Author

 

Zizek, duh

Context

 

Engaging with the Cartesian Subject

 

Thesis

 

This book  Endeavors to reassert the Cartesian subject whose rejection forms the silent pact of all struggling parties of today’s Academia. The point is not to return to the cogito in the guise  in which this notion has dominated modern thought what to bring to light it’s forgotten obverse, the excessive, unacknowledged kernal of the cogito, Which is far from the pacifying image of the transparent self.

Part I – confront Heidegger’s attempt to transcend the horizon of modern Cartesian subjectivity. He does not account for the excess of subjectivity (diabolical evil in Kant, ‘night of the world’ in Hegel). Imagination is really anti-synthetic

Part II – four descendants of Althusser

Laclau – theory of Hegemony

Balibar – theory of egaliberte

Ranciere- theory of mesentente

Badiou – theory of subjectivity as fidelity to the truth event

How do each tackle the predominant ‘post-political’ liberal-democratic stance

Part III – tendencies of post-modern thought to assert the liberating proliferation of multiple forms of subjectivity, where cultural recognition more important than socioeconomic struggle

How are we to reformulate a leftist, anti-capitalist political project in the era of global capitalism.

Methodology

Key Terms

Criticisms and Questions

Notes

 

  1.  The politics of Truth, Alain Badiou as a reader of St.Paul

 

– the subject emerges interpolated from the truth event.

– budgie provides an elaborated analysis of being. At the bottom is the presentation of pure multiple, the not yet symbolically structured multitude of experience, that which is given. This multitude is not a multitude of ones since counting has not yet taken place. Glad you called any particular consistent multitude a situation, a situation is structured and it is its structure that allows us to count as one. However for us to count as one 3 duplication proper to the symbolization of a situation must be at work that is in order for a situation to be counted as one its structure must always already be a med estructura that designated as 1.

– the truth is always the truth of a specific situation, its repressed truth.

“This symptomal torsion of being which is a truth in the always total texture of knowledge”

– whereas post-modernism says there is no event and that nothing really happens, Badiou insists that miracles do happen.

whereas Kant celebrates the sublime effect on passive Observers Badiou says that the truth event is truth in itself for its agents themselves not for external Observers.

-Subjectivity engages the individual in some cause

-Badiou’s opposition of knowledge and Truth seems to turn exactly around Althusser’s opposition of ideologies and science:Non authentic knowledge is limited to the positive order of being, blinds to its structural void, to its Symtomal torsion; while the engaged truth that subjectivizes provides authentic insight into a situation.

Two  divisions of the subjects: 1)  conscious ego who adhere’s to the law and decentered desire which works against its conscious will 2) Law / desire versus A New Beginning breaking out of the deadlock of Law and its transgression AKA Christian love.

-”ne pas ceder sur son desir” = “do your duty”

– 4 marks the emergence of working-class subjectivity is strictly co-dependent on the fact that the worker is compelled to sell the very substance of his being as a commodity on the market, that is to reduce the treasure the precious core of his being to an object that can be bought for money.  there is no subjectivity without the reduction of the subjects positive substantial being to a disposable piece of s***.

 

The Lacanian Subject:  the subject is strictly correlative with the ontological gap between the universal and the particular.  the subject is an act, the decision by means of which we passed from the positivity of the given multitude to the truth event.  subject is not a name for the gap of freedom and contingency what is the contingency that grounds the very positive ontological order the vanishing mediator whose self-effacing gesture transforms the pre ontological chaotic multitude into the semblance of A+ objective order of reality.

-Truth is condemned to remain a fiction precisely insofar as the innomable real eludes its grasp.

 

  1. Political Subjectivization and its Vicissitudes

 

-”single unemployed mother” is a synthome: a knot at which all the lines of the predominant ideological argumentation meet.

-The middle class is the very form of the disavowal of the fact that Society doesn’t exist, in it Society does exist.  this constant displacement and falsification of the line of class division is the class struggle. Laclau class antagonism would thereby be fully symbolized it would no longer be impossible / real but a simple differential structural feature.

-Antagonism is inherent to universality itself, split into the false concrete universality that legitimizes the existing division of the whole into functional parts, and the impossible/ real demand of abstract universality.

-The proletariat stands for Universal Humanity not because it is the lowest exploded class but because it’s very existence is a living contradiction, it exposes the fundamental imbalance and inconsistency of the capitalist social hole.  criticism of the possible Iggy logical functioning of the notion of hybridity should in no way advicate the return to substantially identities. The point is precisely to assert hybridity as the site of the universal.

– leftists must equate universalism with a militant divisive position of 1 engaged in a struggle. True universalists are not those who preach Global tolerance but those who engage in a passionate fight for the assertion of the truth that enthuses them.

– the line that separates two opposing sides in class struggle is not objective, it is not the line separating two positive social groups, But ultimately radically subjective. it runs diagonally to the social division in the order of being, between those who recognize themselves in the call of the truth event and those who deny or ignore it.

The Debate on Classes – Erik Olin Wright

Posted on by

Citation

Wright, Erik O. The Debate on Classes. Verso, New York;London;, 1989.

Contents

Author

Context

 

In the late 1980s in the United States trying to figure out how to incorporate the reality of the Middle class into a Marxist understanding of class.

Thesis

 

Methodology

 

A use of statistics and a questionnaire to try to map out mediary class positions. The book is a series of articles which debate back and forth the basic premise presented in the first article.

 

Key Terms

Criticisms and Questions

Lots of the interesting responses in this book of essays to Wright’s theory show just how tricky and difficult the question of class is. How does the relationship between empiricism and Marxism, Weberianism vs. Marxism (does it all have to lead back to the main antagonistic division between bourgeois and proletariat), how much do other forms of exploitation and oppresion like gender and race fit in to the schematic, etc.  couldn’t you use gender and race as other axis in the forms of exploitation? (the category of status exploitation)

 

In this equation (the commonality of material interests helps to explain the inherent tendency towards conflict between classes; the commonality of lived experience is how they develop common identities.) wouldn’t the first part, the tendencies, not be captured within the realm of consciousness at all? Isn’t it beyond individual consciousness, but something structural to a class?

Notes

 

A general framework for the analysis of class structure – Erik Olin Wright

-main sticking point of class analysis is the “embarrassment” of the middle class.

-how to restore exploitation at center of class analysis to accommodate the empirical complexities of the middle class.

-in state bureaucratic socialism, exploitation is based on burueacratic power: control over organizational assets.

-so two things to add in along with ownership of the means of production: skills and organizational assets.

Bourgeoisie Expert manager Semicredentialed manager Uncredentialed manager
Small employer Expert supervisor Semicredentialied supervisor Uncredentialed supervisor
Petty bourgeois Expert nonmanager Semicredentialed worker proletarian

 

X access is organization assets, Y is skill assets

-class alliances can take place among classes, but there are only certain combinations that are plausible. The more skilled and managerial, the more likely to support existing class relations.

 

Concept of class structure:

1) class structure imposes limits on class formation, class consciousness, and class struggle.

2) class structures constitute the essential qualitative lines of social demarcation in the historical trajectory of social change.

3) the concept of class is relational.

4) social relations which define class are intrinsically antagonistic rather than symmetrical.

5) the objective basis of these antagonistic interests is exploitation.

6) the fundamental basis of exploitation

 

-To save sociology from the sins of bourgeois thought and to save Marxism from the sins of dogmatism: the joining of statistical methods with conceptual rigour is the most effective way to accomplish this. Hard to suss out empiricism sing we can only see experiences (facts) in this causal chain:

mechanisms ====> Events ========> experiences (facts)

class consciousness (mechanisms) ====> attitudes (Events) ========> responses to questionnaire (experiences (facts))

 

competing models of consciousness formation:

 

initial model:

class structure =========> patterns of ideological class formation

alternative model:

ideologies of class =======> party strategies =========> ideological class formation

 

slight debate between Wright and michael Buraway about dogmatism and scepticism between marxism and empiricism.

impossible to view mechanisms or know if they really exist in the Real. Wright clarifies that there is an inherent tension between the psychological states required for revolutionary practice and scientific activity.

-class consciousness is not static and measurable by a questionaire. both structures and ideologies need to be seen in their historical and conjunctural specificity. May be contradictory. Many social phenomenon go into an individual’s consciousness. Not only determined by individual ideas about capital, but also by attitudes toward unions, women, migrants, blacks, gays etc.

-politics and ideology are only relatively autonomous from conjunctural class interests, but her it is just this autonomy that makes conjunctural class interests deviate from true class interests.

LaClau and Mouffe: concepts like objective class interests lack “any theoretical base whatsoever” and the search for the working class is a “false problem.” the social is open and made through discourse, class is just one identity, and not even priveleged.

-objective class interests tied up with teleology, has become one of the bad “-isms”

-capitalists have objective interest in capitalism, new middle classes have interest in statism, and proletariat in full communism.

-analysis of class structure can not be used to find “take off areas” of teleological historical processes or for rational objective interests. There are other dimensions at play.

-Weberian analysis of classes does not need the basic class schism behind it between who own the means of production.

-Middle class are exploited in terms of capitalist mechanisms of exploitation, and exploiters in terms of the one of the secondary mechanisms of exploitation. with hegemony of bourgeoisie middle class tie their class interests to them.

-the commonality of material interests helps to explain the inherent tendency towards conflict between classes; the commonality of lived experience is how they develop common identities.

-Lived experience and Habitus help to explain the source of variation within a class rather than a criterion for class as such.

-the relationship between class structure (exploitation and interests) and class experience (workplace practices and identity formation) which then can be treated as a theoretical problem in its own right.

imagine a triangle:

capitalist mode of production                           simple commodity production

bourgeoisie

small employers

 

managers and supervisors                              petty bourgeoisie

 

semiautonomous employees

 

proletariat

 

state mode of production (and the class position of the bureaucracy) has been notoriously undertheorized.

 

Rescuing Class from the Cultural Turn – Vivek Chibber

Posted on by

Citation

Contents

Author

context:

 

class theory has been deeply influenced by what is known as the “cultural turn.” the idea that social practice cannot be understood outside of the ideological and cultural frames that actors carry with them—their subjective understandings of their place in the world

some central arguments for cultural mediation are undoubtedly correct, and potentially devastating to an economic theory of class. Any response to the cultural turn, then, has to take account of these worries and show that, whatever arguments there are in favor of materialism, they have to acknowledge the ubiquity of culture.

Thesis:

 

In the classical account, the class structure is taken to generate class consciousness, which in turn induces workers to build class organizations. I have tried to argue that, in fact, class consciousness is the consequence of class organization. Since the latter is an arduous process, highly vulnerable to disruption and precarious at its foundation, so is the formation of class identity.

Methodology

 

focus on workplace organizing experience to show the actual difficulties of organizing, and how it should not be taken as a given.

Key Terms

 

class consciousness

Criticisms and Questions

 

Notes:

Challenged to Materialism:

-class action does NOT take place outside of meaning and values like any other social practice

-once a class structure does not generate a particular set of subjective identities — of belonging to a certain class and of wishing to pursue a political agenda prioritizing that identity.

Sewell – for structures to become causally efficacious, they have to be interpreted by agents

-but two different questions a)social structures must be interpreted to take effect b) but are there some structures that radically reduce, or even extinguish, the contingency in meaning construction ie. class

-class is different than other social roles because it is tied economic viability ie they set the rules for what actors have to do to reproduce themselves. they force proletarians and bourgeois to accept their class positions. contingent culture accepted as long as it doesn’t get in the way of structure.

– challenge for  materialist theory: how how possible for workers’ class location to converge around a strategy of collective resistance, but also a strategy of individual accommodation. Class consciousness is a product of some very particular conditions that might have to be produced and sustained, rather than assumed to fall into place through the internal logic of class structure.

-past accounts of class consciousness fail to describe those aspects of the class structure that mitigate against collective course of action.

– Class consciousness can then be understood as a product of some very particular conditions that might have to be produced and sustained, rather than assumed to fall into place through the internal logic of class structure.

-two main obstacles:

1) workers’ baseline vulnerability against the power of employers

– common for class orientation in which one’s welfare is secured by non-class forms of association.

2) generic problems that arise in collective action.

– interest aggregation (from Claus Offe and Helmut Wiesenthal, “The Two Logics of Collective Action”)

-workers must seek agreement although their welfare effected in various, uneven ways

-some workers would have to subordinate their immediate welfare to the larger agenda

– free-riding

all three of these factors reinforce the atomizing effect of the labor market and dilute the impulse toward collective action and class consciousness.

class structure underwrites its own stability by making individual reproduction more appealing than organized contestation.

there is no easy road from Marx’s class in-itself to a class for-itself, but cultureal phenomena play crucial role in building working-class associational power

-By cultural, what is meant is the construction of a solidaristic ethos

– working-class identity is an act of social intervention, it is not a social construction.

-Because of great risks, workers can rationally chose not to be organized. (blamed in the past as  false consciousness)

-It is possible to accept the premise that all social action is filtered through culture while resisting the conclusion that class structure is therefore fundamentally shaped by it.

Workers on the Nile 1882–1954 Joel Beinin Zachary Lockman

Posted on by

Citation

 

Beinin, Joel, 1948, and Zachary Lockman. Workers on the Nile: Nationalism, Communism, Islam, and the Egyptian Working Class, 1882-1954. Princeton University Press, Princeton, N.J, 1987.

Contents

Author

Context

Thesis

 

“the dialectic of class and nation [and] the formation of a new class of wage workers as Egypt experienced a particular kind of capitalist development … and these workers’ adoption of various forms of consciousness, organization, and collective action in a political and economic context structured by the realities of foreign domination and the struggle for national independence.”

 

Methodology

Key Terms

Criticisms and Questions

Notes

 

From the amazing and self-sufficient conclusion:

 

-two factors defined matrix within which working class was formed: the structure of Egyptian capitalism itself, and Egypt’s domination by British colonialism.

Egyptian Capitalism: influx of foreign capital concentrated primarily in agricultural sector, after WWI power of foreign and mutamassir capital ultimately compelled nascent industrial bourgeoisie to abandon independence. Formed a class alliance. Textile sector grew in 1930s and 40s, but growing parasitical class of large landoweners linked to foreign cotton market. Locally produced industrial good market collapsed after WWII exposed weakness of industry, and overdependence on textile market.

Working class: uneven development of Egyptian capitalism. Majority urban workers employed in small under-capitalized shops with pre-capitalist production and social relations. Working class but not trade unionists. Large scale workers in transport, public utilities and public enterprises, all to support cotton extraction.

-even with rise of industrial proletariat, still seen through lens of nationalist sturggle.

-Wafd was bourgeois nationalism which saw labor as only one part.

-Egyptian communist organizations greatest influence during jan-june 1946 and 10/51-1/52. Biggest day was February 21, 1946.

-Post war led to labor rivalry between MB and communists.

-Strikes in Mahalla al-kubra in 1947 and Kafir al-Dawwar in 1952 showed workers’ rejection of paternalism. Made “labor question” pressing issue.

-Working class, although growing in power, gave up to military regime in March 1954

-Orthodox Marxists emphasize betrayal of this deal

-March 1954 was a compromise where regime granted many economic demands so that trade union leadership would accept regime’s tutelage.

-Arab socialism rejected the concept of class struggle, but accepted it as a valid social and political category.

-Nasserism’s international political success also made labor quiescent.

-severe repression of communists and other groups that didn’t accept tutelage

-Nasserism’s economic strategy based on development of industry, economic planning, and economic redistribution, failed after 1965 because government could not sustain consumption and investment.

-New door policy abandonment of March 1954 compromise.