The Abyss of Representation – George Hartley

Citation

Contents

 

  1. Representation and the Abyss of Subjectivity 1

 

  1. Presentation beyond Representation: Kant and the Limits of Discursive Understanding 22

 

  1. The Speculative Proposition: Hegel and the Drama of Presentation 53

 

  1. Marx’s Key Concept? Althusser and the Darstellung Question 84

 

  1. Figuration and the Sublime Logic of the Real: Jameson’s Libidinal Apparatuses 127

 

  1. The Theater of Figural Space 182

 

  1. Can the Symptom Speak? Hegemony and the Problem of Cultural Representation 235

 

Author

Context

Thesis

 

Hartley describes how modern theory from Kant through Lacan attempts to come to terms with the sublime limits of representation and how ideas developed with the Marxist tradition—such as Marx’s theory of value, Althusser’s theory of structural causality, or Zizek’s theory of ideological enjoyment—can be seen as variants of the sublime object. Representation, he argues, is ultimately a political problem. Whether that problem be a Marxist representation of global capitalism, a deconstructive representation of subaltern women, or a Chicano self-representation opposing Anglo-American images of Mexican Americans, it is only through this grappling with the negative, Hartley explains, that a Marxist theory of postmodernism can begin to address the challenges of global capitalism and resurgent imperialism.

 

Methodology

 

Endless pages of talking

 

Key Terms

 

Hegel’s Absolute Negativity

 

Criticisms and Questions

Notes

 

  1. Representation and the Abyss of Subjectivity

 

-The abyss is not a problem of the subject, as the result of the subjects limited capacity for knowledge Beyond sensory experience, but the very ground of the subject: this paradox of a grounding Abyss means nothing more than that the subject is this space of inclination ability as such, the problem residing rather on the side of substance.

-Clear is no  ideology/ representation  without the category of the subject:  the category of the subject is constituentive of all ideologies, But the category of the subject is constituent of of all ideologies insofar as all ideologies has the function of constituting concrete individuals as subjects.

– subjectification/ interpolation is nothing but the attempt to cover over the traumatic recognition of the abyss of subjectivity as such.  this confrontation with the traumatic thing is the subject as such. interpolation, on the other hand, is the exact attempt to avoid this confrontation.

– the job of idealogy criticism is to identify the position in the other that functions as the desire that the hysteric desires to please.

 

  1. Kant

– if one agrees with Jameson that the sublime object for us in this post modern age is no longer nature but the vast network of global capital this in no way changes the fundamental structure of the experience of the sublime as Kant outlines it in the critique of judgment. Kant Conte says judgment is a bridge that spans the abyss between the real and the sensible.

– kant’s conception of the negativity of the symbol never the last prepares the way for hagel’s project of dialectical negation. What is presented in the symbol is symbolism is a mode of thinking the limits of thinking itself of the negative relationship between discursive understanding and its own discursive limits.

– because of the limits of discourse language can never give a pure representation of super sensible objects it’s symbolic presentations always carry and excessive element within them an unintelligible thing at the heart of the presentation of the supersensible that prevents language from ever becoming a closed symbolic system.

 

  1. Hegel

– Speculative language is not some foreign word from above that captures in itself the imported means to convey because hegel’s theory of language denies any such immediacy. The sign must be emptied out, become some stupid contingent and meaningless thing devoid of any associations with a particular image or intuition and through the radical negativity of it stupidity embody the point of articulation of the subject. Speculative language is ordinary language only more so. Our ordinary language is more than sufficient to provide us with an adequate presentation of the drama of the speculative.

 

  1. Althusser and the Darstellung Question

 

If we are to analyze economic or social or any illogical phenomena in terms of the mode of production with which they operate then we must construct a concept capable of conveying the type of causality at work in the whole.

– the task facing readers of marks Althusser implies is to purify the Marxist text of its pre-scientific metaphors its Figures it’s vorstellungin its dependence on representation.

-Three Notions of Darstellung operating here at once:

-Kant’s concept of versinlichung with its emphasis on the flushing out of the concept.

– the Hegelian sense of scientific method the motive Exposition adequate to the nature of the dialectic

– A sense that I have yet to explore and Althusser points to above the Marxist sense of the presentation of value in commodity production that has a relationship to but cannot be reduced to Consciousness which must rather be seen as an objective historical structural effect.

-The question at stake here is an epistemological 1 concerning our ability to read the structural determinations of the value relation or relation that appears in a mystified form in a society based on commodity production. The key is to see this mystification, however, not as a problem of our ability to see, of our consciousness, of our any law gical shortcomings, of our failure to see what lies before us and is simply hidden beneath a mystifying exterior but to see this mystification instead as a structural effect, and effect of the very structure of commodity production itself. Fetishism is an objective effect of the structure of the value of relation in commodity production, not a subjective illusion or shortcoming. We cannot correct this problem then by learning to see what is there before us but hidden from our view. We must instead learn to read the absences existing in the very fullness of our vision.

– Darstellung then is the presentation in the form of value- by way of the value form- of abstract human labor as it is materialized in the body of the commodity.  The relative form is nothing but the impossible identity of value to itself the void of its own inadequacy. Value must become something other, it must become the value thing that exists apart from its own value being.

– value cannot present itself in this opposition between exchange value and use value because it is not a property specific to the single commodity what a social relationship articulated through the whole commodity structure of which the single commodity is only one part. This structural causality can only operate because of the exceptional one, the commodity excluded from the structure of values. Existence of the structure can only be presented by an element excluded from itself.

– we have arrived at Marxist description of structural causality through the concept of presentation. Value is the effect of structure in that the structure presents itself, through the elaboration of the value form, as the articulation of homogeneous human labor power.

 

  1. Jameson’s Libidinal Apparatus

 

-The political unconscious is the picture developed their of some collective Unity of Consciousness. Only a collected Unity- weather that of a particular class, the proletariat, or of its organ of Consciousness, the Revolutionary party- can achieve the transparency required for the subject- here a collective social political subject- to be fully conscious of its determination by class and be able to square the circle of an illogical conditioning by sheer Lucidity and The Taking of thought. (PU 283)

-The political unconscious is not much concerned with the conditions of possibility of such Lucidity but rather with the mechanisms whereby we attempt to square the circle of 80 illogical limitation by projecting a world in which our actions and values would at an a seemingly Timeless and natural legitimacy, a process of wish-fulfillment that Jameson models on Freud’s development of that Concept in the interpretation of Dreams: figuration. If we are to become aware of class the classes already must be in some sense perceptible as such but this requirements can be fulfilled only when the social conditions of our daily lives had developed the point at which underline class structures become representable in tangible form.

” the relationship between Class Consciousness and figurability in other words demand something more basic than abstract knowledge and implies a mode of experience that is more visceral and existential than the abstract certainties of economics and Marxian social science.”

-This visceral and existential motive experience is the demesne of culture where the classes have to take on the function of characters. In other words at the most basic level class Consciousness is always allegorical each class achieving figure ability to the extent to which it can represent it unconsciously through ART narrative and other idiot logical Productions as a character with its own particular qualities and personality. Figuration then is essentially a mode of allegorical personification.

– all interpretation is it base allegorical various interpretive models functioning not so much as theories per se but rather as unconscious structures and so many afterimages and secondary effects of a given historical mode of figuration. all allegorical methods are unconscious attempts to articulate a system for representing history.

The political  unconscious it should be remembered is ultimately the process of a figurative meditation on the destiny of community.

Historical –  the ideology of form as a matrix of symbolic messages related to different coexisting modes of production

Social-  The ideologeme as a unit in class discourse

political – Individual cultural object as a symbolic Act.
– figuration is necessary because the process of cultural revolution is not a positive empirically available event but rather a structural limitation on how we perceive ourselves and our relationship to the larger social totality that determines us.

– this search for ways of seeing whether conscious or unconscious is the process of cognitive mapping by which we obtained the figures necessary for locating ourselves in history.

– allegorical criticism does not so much interpret a given subject matter through the terms of another Master narrative- where interpretation is seen as the unearthing of some deeper meaning below the surface- as rewrites that subject matter in terms of a different code. Allegory is a process of diversion and reinvestment: the initial terms are diverted from their surface function into the service of other idiot logical functions in reinvested by what we have called the political unconscious.

– this process is not internal to me as an individual but is made possible by the objective figural apparatus available to me. In this way the text draws the real into its own texture as its imminent subtext but not as something external orange extrinsic to the text but something born within and vehicle ated by the text itself interiorized in it’s very fabric in order to provide the stuff on the raw material on which the textual operation must work.

– the literary work or cultural object brings into being that very situation to which it is also a reaction. it articulates its own situation and texture Eliza’s it there by encouraging and perpetuating the illusion that the situation itself did not exist before it that there is nothing but a text.

– ideologies is not something internal to individual consciousness what is an external effect of certain social practices that are displayed by staged by condensed in libidinal apparatuses.

-” it is not terribly difficult to say what is meant by the real in lacan. It is simply history itself”

– Lacanian split subject : The acquisition of language functions as a kind of primary repression, a repression of the imaginary logic of identification, which constitutes the subject as a divided, mediated by language because the subject can never coincide with the signifier that represents it. But binary logic of the imaginary is broken up by the introduction of this mediating third, the other, the unconscious, language itself.

– History is not a text not a narrative but an absent cause it is inaccessible to us except in textural form.

– language manages to carry the real within itself as its own intrinsic or imminent subtext.

– the literary work or cultural object brings into being that situation to which it is also add one in the same time or reaction.

– the difference between the sublime object for Kant and that for Hegel is that the sublime object for Kant is simply the phenomenal object that stretches are representative faculties beyond their limits while the sublime object for Hagel is the obscene embodiment of the nothing Beyond representation the embodiment of radical negativity. We experience the sublime when we come into contact with the miserable object through its it’s very wretchedness embodies this negativity.

– what unites the three levels is the concept of contradiction: at the first level the text functions as a symbolic act that seeks a figural resolution to some Unthinkable social contradiction. At the second level text functions as an ideologeme an utterance in the larger dialogue between contradictory class discourses and at the third level of the text functions as the ideological sedimentation at the level of form or genre itself of the larger process of cultural revolution, the ongoing contradictory process in which historical classes vie for hegemony.

– we cannot simply identify class types in novels because such a position treats class identification as an inert given line and tact outside the text where as the task is to show the textual reflection as constituent of the value of this outside as an allegorical process that produces alternatives to empirical history by emptying them of their finality Andrey orchestrating them in terms of some master fantasy structure of Phantasm.

– the real, this absent cause, which is fundamentally unrepresentable and non-narrative and detectable only in its effects, can be disclosed only by desire itself, whose wish-fulfilling mechanisms are the instruments through which this resistance surface must be scanned.

 

  1. Spivak

 

-A desire to touch the everyday. She does not desire to know what they think or to grasp their consciousness. The everyday and Consciousness operate according to different critical itineraries.

– is after a certain Poetics, a certain mode of putting together of a continuous seeming self for everyday life. This self which only seems continuous but has to seem as such for everyday functioning has been put together for such a seeming despite the chance Inus that may be reined in in the necessary production of this continuity.

The Ideology of Power and the Power of Ideology – Göran Therborn

Citation:

Therborn, Göran, 1941. The Ideology of Power and the Power of Ideology. NLB, London, 1980.

Good Review and Background:

https://www.marxists.org/history/erol/periodicals/theoretical-review/tr-30-1.pdf

 

-To conceive a text or an utterance as ideology is to focus on the Waze operates in the formation and transformation of human subjectivity

-1) ideology is then seeing as the medium through which men make their history as conscious actors. 2) wrong concept is of opposition between Bourgois and proletarian ideology or science and ideology as such true and false consciousness

-poulantzas: classes must be defined at the political ideological as well as the economic level

-two althusser  fallacies: only scientific knowledge is true or real and that human beings are motivated as subjects only buy what they know by true or distorted knowledge

– fallacy of interst: interests by themselves do not explain anything it is a normative concept indicating the most rational course of action in a predefined game the problem is how members of different classes come to define the world and their situation and possibilities in it in a particular way.

 

  1. The ideological formation of human subjects

 

-subjection-qualification: New members become qualified to take up and perform the repertoire of rules given in society into which they are born.

The three fundamental modes of ideological interpellation:

1.what exists 2. What is good 3. What is possible.

  • The formation of subjects of class struggle involves the process of subject qualification such that the tasks of producing sir plus labor are performed in the existence of class royal is recognized together with it’s on just character and the possibility of resisting it. On the part of numbers of the exploding class, the formation of class struggle subjects requires a subjection qualification to performing the tasks of exploitation, a recognition that this is the right thing to do and they can be defended.

 

The universe of ideological interpolations

 

Subjectivities of in the world subjectivity of being
existential historical
inclusive 1 2
positional 3 4

 

  1. inclusive existential ideologies like what life is what is good and bad in life what is possible and human existence and weather is a life after death.
  2. Inclusive historical ideologies a US citizen a Catholic Italian number of the working class a resident of a particular neighborhood
  3. Positional exit stencil ideologies the self and others and the two genders and the lifecycle of childhood youth and old age
  4. Positional historical ideologies educational status positions of political power structures of difference
  • The ideological universe is never reducible to class ideologies. Even in the most class polarized and class conscious societies, the other fundamental forms of human subjectivity coexist with class subjectivities.
  • It is natural and not an aberration of underdeveloped class consciousness that class ideologies coexist with inclusive historical ideologies constituting the subjects of the contradictory totality of an exploitative mode of production

 

2) The historical materialism of ideologies

 

-The question of material determination is central to the corpus of historical materialistic Theory and has to be confronted directly

The structure of ideological systems

-proposition one: all ideologies exist only in historical forms in historical degrees of salience and modes of articulation with other ideologies

Proposition two: all ideologies operate in a material matrix of affirmations and sanctions, and this matrix determines their interrelationships.

Proposition three: all ideologies in class societies exist in historical forms of articulation with different classes in class ideologies.

Proposition four: the patterning of a given set of ideologies is within class societies overdetermined by class relations of strength and by the class struggle.

The generation of ideologies and material change

proposition one: the generation of ideologies in human societies is always from the point of view of social science and history agra fee process of change of pre-existing ideologies.

Proposition two: Ideological change in the generation of ideologies is always dependent upon nan ideological material change.

Proposition three: the most important material change is constituted by the internal social dynamics of societies and of their mode of production.

Proposition for: every mode of production requires specific economic positional ideologies and every exploitative mode of production specific class ideologies.

Proposition five: every new mode of production will generate new economic positional ideologies.

Proposition six: all human societies exhibit X extensional and historical inclusive as well as his Storico positional ideologies

.

Proposition seven: the concrete form of accidental historical inclusive and historical positional ideologies other than the economic or not directly determined by the mode of production but changes in the former or over determined by the latter.

Proposition eight: new mode of production and new classes will generate forms of accidental historical inclusive and other historical positional ideologies that are capable of supporting and reinforcing the new predominate class ideologies if the former do not already exist.

 

3) The ideological constitution of classes

Dash we cannot talk of class struggle, of the struggle of classes as an analytic concept for structuring the myriad of social conflicts without assuming an ideological constitution of classes by specific class ideologies.

– The actual ideological ensemble of the members of a given class is a complex totality of different elements that can be not be reduced to one another.

– The critical aspect of the altar ideology is in the case of exporting classes the rationale for the domination of other classes; in the case of exploded classes it is the basis for their resistance to the exporters.

– The altar as well as the ego ideologies develop with the mode of production itself in social processes of ideological interpellation and through a learning process governed by various forms of affirmations and sanctions.

– Socialist ideology is not implicit in  working class existence (Lenin). There is a strong selective affinity but not a dubious utilitarian notion of interest.

-while feudalism helped by Catholicism no theory of feudalism can explain the core of prevailing religious doctrine of the church.

-Nationalism became linked to the Bouge wall revolution by providing an ideology of struggle that counterposed to the dynastic and/or colonial power a state of legally free and equal citizens encompassing a certain territory.

– Inclusive historical ideologies are not simply invented as formulate of ruling class legitimization. Like the state itself, they express their Storico outcome of struggles within and of the state.

– Bo nationalism became linked to the Bouge wall revolution by providing an ideology of struggle that counterposed to the dynastic and/or colonial power a state of legally free and equal citizens encompassing a certain territory.

– Inclusive historical ideologies or not simply invented as formulate of ruling class legitimization. Like the state itself, express the Storico outcome of struggles within and of the state.

since nationalism played a crucial role in the Bouge why Z’s rise to power it is quite natural that nationalism as an inclusive ideology irreducible to class should be articulated within the rule of the bourgeoisie.

– starting from the ideology of a subordinate class one can either join the cause of the victors, embracing and subordinating oneself to the nationalist cause, or relate to the tradition of struggle, linking up with the national popular Tradition.

-Working class ideology in order to assert itself must confront and absorb occupational ideologies the particular work orientation and solidarity of particular occupations and crafts. Given a multi ethnic labor force ethnicity becomes a positional ideology competing with working class ideology.

– The ideological universe is irreducible to class ideologies, but the ideological ensemble of the class society is class patterned and ideological changes over determined by class struggle. The thesis concerning the class patterning of ideologies is not dependent on any notion of representation. Class ideologies like class politics do not represent anything other than themselves such as class interests.

– Class ideologies are not doctrines or elaborated forms of discourse. They are rather class specific core themes of discourse that very anonymously and concrete form and degree of elaboration.

 

4) The social order of ideologies

 

  • ideologies actually operate in a state of this order. They are not possessions or text but an ongoing social process.
  • – As he or she is the target of constant conflicting interpolations, the receiver is not necessarily consistent in his or her receptions and responding acts and interpolations.
  • – The sudden shifts between acquiescence and revolt our collective processes not merely a series of individual changes.
  • Big chart of neighborhoods schools jobs and mass media to show that forms are ideologies page 86.

5) ideology and political power

 

Mode of  interpellation alternative regime conceivable? yes no
what is Accommodation sense of inevitability
what is good sense of representation deference
what is possible fear resignation

 

  • So far no great modern social revolution has ever been made by a unified class subject demanding a completely new social order.
  • Rather the process has gained momentum in a situation where the sustaining matrix of the regime in existence is crumbling three specific limited and often quite reformist demands often arising out of the new acute crisis situation itself.
  • it seems that the most important dimensions of ideological change in this process are those concerning what exists and what is possible .
  • Generally speaking the more qualified the ruled at the point where they’re subjugation can no longer be sustained, the more they can achieve
  • 6) social change and the power of ideology
  • consciousnessIdeological mobilization involves selling a common agenda for a massive people. That is to say summing up the dominant aspect of the crisis I didn’t find the crucial target and defining what is possible.
  • – Ideological mobilization implies the fusion and condensation of several ideological discourses into a single major threat, usually expressed in a simple slogan.

 

The Debate on Classes – Erik Olin Wright

Citation

Wright, Erik O. The Debate on Classes. Verso, New York;London;, 1989.

Contents

Author

Context

 

In the late 1980s in the United States trying to figure out how to incorporate the reality of the Middle class into a Marxist understanding of class.

Thesis

 

Methodology

 

A use of statistics and a questionnaire to try to map out mediary class positions. The book is a series of articles which debate back and forth the basic premise presented in the first article.

 

Key Terms

Criticisms and Questions

Lots of the interesting responses in this book of essays to Wright’s theory show just how tricky and difficult the question of class is. How does the relationship between empiricism and Marxism, Weberianism vs. Marxism (does it all have to lead back to the main antagonistic division between bourgeois and proletariat), how much do other forms of exploitation and oppresion like gender and race fit in to the schematic, etc.  couldn’t you use gender and race as other axis in the forms of exploitation? (the category of status exploitation)

 

In this equation (the commonality of material interests helps to explain the inherent tendency towards conflict between classes; the commonality of lived experience is how they develop common identities.) wouldn’t the first part, the tendencies, not be captured within the realm of consciousness at all? Isn’t it beyond individual consciousness, but something structural to a class?

Notes

 

A general framework for the analysis of class structure – Erik Olin Wright

-main sticking point of class analysis is the “embarrassment” of the middle class.

-how to restore exploitation at center of class analysis to accommodate the empirical complexities of the middle class.

-in state bureaucratic socialism, exploitation is based on burueacratic power: control over organizational assets.

-so two things to add in along with ownership of the means of production: skills and organizational assets.

Bourgeoisie Expert manager Semicredentialed manager Uncredentialed manager
Small employer Expert supervisor Semicredentialied supervisor Uncredentialed supervisor
Petty bourgeois Expert nonmanager Semicredentialed worker proletarian

 

X access is organization assets, Y is skill assets

-class alliances can take place among classes, but there are only certain combinations that are plausible. The more skilled and managerial, the more likely to support existing class relations.

 

Concept of class structure:

1) class structure imposes limits on class formation, class consciousness, and class struggle.

2) class structures constitute the essential qualitative lines of social demarcation in the historical trajectory of social change.

3) the concept of class is relational.

4) social relations which define class are intrinsically antagonistic rather than symmetrical.

5) the objective basis of these antagonistic interests is exploitation.

6) the fundamental basis of exploitation

 

-To save sociology from the sins of bourgeois thought and to save Marxism from the sins of dogmatism: the joining of statistical methods with conceptual rigour is the most effective way to accomplish this. Hard to suss out empiricism sing we can only see experiences (facts) in this causal chain:

mechanisms ====> Events ========> experiences (facts)

class consciousness (mechanisms) ====> attitudes (Events) ========> responses to questionnaire (experiences (facts))

 

competing models of consciousness formation:

 

initial model:

class structure =========> patterns of ideological class formation

alternative model:

ideologies of class =======> party strategies =========> ideological class formation

 

slight debate between Wright and michael Buraway about dogmatism and scepticism between marxism and empiricism.

impossible to view mechanisms or know if they really exist in the Real. Wright clarifies that there is an inherent tension between the psychological states required for revolutionary practice and scientific activity.

-class consciousness is not static and measurable by a questionaire. both structures and ideologies need to be seen in their historical and conjunctural specificity. May be contradictory. Many social phenomenon go into an individual’s consciousness. Not only determined by individual ideas about capital, but also by attitudes toward unions, women, migrants, blacks, gays etc.

-politics and ideology are only relatively autonomous from conjunctural class interests, but her it is just this autonomy that makes conjunctural class interests deviate from true class interests.

LaClau and Mouffe: concepts like objective class interests lack “any theoretical base whatsoever” and the search for the working class is a “false problem.” the social is open and made through discourse, class is just one identity, and not even priveleged.

-objective class interests tied up with teleology, has become one of the bad “-isms”

-capitalists have objective interest in capitalism, new middle classes have interest in statism, and proletariat in full communism.

-analysis of class structure can not be used to find “take off areas” of teleological historical processes or for rational objective interests. There are other dimensions at play.

-Weberian analysis of classes does not need the basic class schism behind it between who own the means of production.

-Middle class are exploited in terms of capitalist mechanisms of exploitation, and exploiters in terms of the one of the secondary mechanisms of exploitation. with hegemony of bourgeoisie middle class tie their class interests to them.

-the commonality of material interests helps to explain the inherent tendency towards conflict between classes; the commonality of lived experience is how they develop common identities.

-Lived experience and Habitus help to explain the source of variation within a class rather than a criterion for class as such.

-the relationship between class structure (exploitation and interests) and class experience (workplace practices and identity formation) which then can be treated as a theoretical problem in its own right.

imagine a triangle:

capitalist mode of production                           simple commodity production

bourgeoisie

small employers

 

managers and supervisors                              petty bourgeoisie

 

semiautonomous employees

 

proletariat

 

state mode of production (and the class position of the bureaucracy) has been notoriously undertheorized.